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Why Trump’s revenge purge could leave him a lame duck

 During the last presidential election campaign, Donald Trump promised his supporters he would be their “retribution”.

It was assumed that Democrats would be the target of his wrath.

But it is becoming increasingly clear that it is those within the Republican ranks who have fallen victim to a high-risk, pro-Maga strategy which could cost the party dearly in November’s midterm elections.

Fresh off a revenge tour that vanquished his dwindling band of Republican critics, whom the US president refers to as Rinos – Republicans In Name Only – Mr Trump’s toxic strategy is in full swing.

With the midterms on the horizon, heads are beginning to roll.

In 2022, Trump-endorsed candidates performed badly, and the predicted “red wave” never materialised. Mr Trump’s political potency appeared to be waning, and it fuelled the rise of Ron DeSantis and others who went on to challenge him in the 2024 presidential primaries.

Of course, the 79-year-old’s story didn’t end there. He got his second act, dominating the primaries and winning the general election.

But this time, if he loses control of Congress, he faces two “lame duck” years of investigations and impeachments before the curtains draw, finally, on his political career.

It should serve as a cautionary tale, according to Michael Steele, the former chair of the Republican National Committee who, admittedly, is no Trump fan.

“When the president puts a target on folks in a primary, it really changes the dynamics. It creates an unnecessary tension,” he told the Telegraph.

“It absolutely creates a problem for the party when the titular head of the party declares war on its elected officials and disrupts the opportunity to not only hold seats but to gain seats.

“And so it becomes a very challenging reality for incumbent members like [Kentucky] Congressman [Thomas] Massie and others who get in the crosshairs of Donald Trump.”

Mr Massie and Bill Cassidy, a Louisiana senator, were both ousted in favour of Mr Trump’s pick in Republican primaries this past fortnight, while John Cornyn, a Texas senator, is embroiled in a gloves-off primary fight with Ken Paxton, a Maga loyalist.

“Trump seems to have been extraordinarily effective in punishing his enemies within the party,” Archon Fung, Professor of Citizenship and Democracy at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government, told The Telegraph.

Mr Fung said this had happened before, pointing to Liz Cheney, the Republican congresswoman whom Mr Trump made it his personal mission to destroy after she criticised the Jan 6 insurrection, and Jeff Flake, a fierce Republican critic of Mr Trump who quit the Senate in 2017 rather than be “complicit” in his governance.

“Many people no longer remember their names. He’s eliminated them from political positions,” Mr Fung added.

“I’ve heard, informally, people within the Republican Party say there’s no path if you’re going to defy the president.”

“It really does seem to be part of his using the second term for retribution, exploiting the powers of his office to go after people who have crossed him,” Christopher Galdieri, professor of politics at Saint Anselm College in New Hampshire, told the Telegraph.

“Cassidy is like one of the last Republican senators around who voted to convict Trump in a second impeachment trial – but then there is John Cornyn, who has been a loyal Republican throughout Trump’s terms, but he wasn’t Maga enough.

“Trump likes the idea that he can, with one social media post, basically end somebody’s career,” Mr Galdieri added.

Mr Massie, who is one of the most conservative voices in Congress, infuriated the president by pushing for the release of the Epstein files, and now he is out.

Ed Gallrein, Mr Trump’s hand-picked candidate, looks set to cruise to victory in Kentucky’s fourth district.

And it is widely accepted that whoever the Republicans pick to run in Louisiana instead of Mr Cassidy should have few problems hanging onto the seat.

But these examples are in the minority. Elsewhere could be far trickier, especially if there is a “blue wave”, with Democrats picking up seat after seat as disenchanted voters voice their displeasure at soaring fuel prices, a fragile economy and the spiralling cost of healthcare.

Mr Trump promised a strong economy and an end to foreign wars during his 2024 campaign, but since he came to office, he has entered into a war with Iran and sent oil prices soaring to their highest since the invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

A New York Times-Siena poll of 1,507 people found that 37 per cent of could-be Republican voters would like to see the party move away from Trump-style policies in 2028. When it came to independent voters who lean Republican, this number increased to 55 per cent.

Independents, especially in battleground states, were integral in returning Mr Trump to the White House.

And as the tide turns on the US president’s obstinate brand of Maga politics, safe Republican strongholds may be at risk.

Take Texas, where Mr Trump has thrown his weight behind Mr Paxton, the state’s former attorney general – who has been embroiled in countless scandals – rather than sitting senator Mr Cornyn, an establishment Republican.

The row has created a vacuum which Democrats hope their candidate, James Talarico, can swoop in to fill.

Research by James Henson, director of the Texas Politics Project at the University of Texas, and his team suggests that the seat is far from safe.

A poll last month put Mr Talarico ahead of both Republicans, especially if there is a surge in the Democratic vote. And while the Maga faithful adores Mr Paxton, he is a polarising figure.

A messy divorce on “biblical grounds” and an impeachment scandal following rumours of dirty business – of which he was acquitted – has seen traditional Republicans turn their backs on him

The ousting of Dan Crenshaw – a Republican House representative and Maga critic – in the red state’s 2nd district at the behest of Mr Trump, has also fuelled Democrat hopes.

The US president notably endorsed every House Republican running for re-election in the first primaries of 2026 – except for Mr Crenshaw. The traditionally safe Republican seat in the Houston outskirts is now well within the Democrats’ sights.

Another Republican under threat is Don Bacon in Nebraska, who has been openly critical of Mr Trump, describing his threat to court-martial Senator Mark Kelly, an Arizona Democrat, over a video urging troops not to follow illegal orders, as “crazy”.

As things stand, his district is seen as a potential Democrat gain, and ousting Mr Bacon to replace him with a Maga loyalist could prove a costly mistake.

Mr Trump’s purging of safe and, in some cases, deeply popular candidates ahead of the midterm elections, may be doing wonders for his ego.

But it is slackening an already weak Republican grip on Congress, with potentially disastrous consequences – not only for his party – but for the remaining half of Mr Trump’s time in office.

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